New Zealand Khmer Community
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New Zealand Khmer Community |
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Cambodia
Man Hau Liev
August 1998
Centre for Refugee Education
School of Social Sciences
Auckland Institute of Technology
An attempt to write about Cambodia is difficult especially to be impartial and emotion free from personal experience to reveal the development of Cambodia as truthful as possible. The truth is out there. Only God knows. An attempt to find the whole truth is a problem. Distinguished writers who gain authority in Cambodia issues have provided their best in depth information, sometimes partial, from their hand on experience. Unfortunately some interpretation is sometimes far from reality. This book is a collection existing information on Cambodia from various sources by a Cambodian who attempts to retrace the development track of Cambodia in a simple but meaningful way to readers.
This book describes political and socioeconomic
development of Cambodia since its independence in 1953. The first part
provides the background Cambodia as a country. The second part describes
Cambodia neutrality under the East-West pressures which led to the destruction
of Cambodia. This destruction drew attention of the international community
to attempt to seek peace for Cambodia. The United Nation gave a mandate
to UNTAC to stage a general election for Cambodian to choose freely their
own government. A coalition government were formed between the royalist
group and the Hun Sen’s Cambodian People Party. The third part describes
background of socioeconomic aspect of Cambodia. This part uses social and
economic indices to reflect the development of Cambodia. Since 1995 Cambodia
have adopted a long term strategy for reconstruction and development which
have produced a slow but positive growth and some improvement in living
standards. Cambodian politic is very volatile after the coup in July 1997
when Hun Sen toppled Runarith. Hun Sen becomes the number one man who can
influence the outcome of peace and socioeconomic development in Cambodia.
Cambodian live in a land of contrast. Geographically, Mekong river, influenced by melted snow in Himalaya and torrential rains in China, Thailand, and Laos, dictates the directions of the flow of Tonle Sap river. Every year, Tonle sap flows upstream during the rainy season and then flows downstream during the dry season. This seasonal changes catch victims through its natural course. It creates a unique opportunity when fish can eat ants during the floods and then when the floods recede surviving ants can eat fish which during the floods eat drowned ants. Politically, this “Tonle Sap syndrome” perpetuates in the making of Cambodian history. Cambodian leaders, influenced by greed and ego in the one hand and the support of their neighbours or antagonist superpowers on the other hand, avail themselves to the “Fish and Ant game” taking turns to kill each other.
At the personal level, Cambodians smile to cover their shame or suffering. They tend to say yes when inside they feel to say no and pretend to cooperate to survive. They are gentle and care about other; but, unpredictably, they can turn to be a fierce warrior when they are threatened.
The Monsoon and mighty Mekong always create Tonle Sap syndrome where the Fish and Ants get caught in the game which is difficult for them to be excluded. Under this mighty flow of Mekong, Tonle Sap syndrome creates new opportunity and disturbs peace.
Superpowers, similar to Mekong, have created the Tonle Sap syndrome in Cambodia politics. An attempt to preserve peace and Cambodia neutrality by Prince Norodom Sihanouk after its independence in 1953 encountered pressure from the Western bloc forcing Cambodia into the South East Asia Treaty Organisation ( SEATO ). This pressure disturbed Cambodian balance of power in South East Asia. The East and the West opened opportunities for Cambodian elites to challenge existing political systems. Cambodia went through various regimes backed up by various powerful countries which used Cambodia as a stepping stone to secure their regional strategic positions.
As the result, Cambodia experienced a complete destruction due to lack of direction and its leaders’ ambition. The Khmer Rouge completely destroyed its country infrastructure and cleansed its society by killing its own people. A socialist regime composed of a Khmer Rouge break away group from the eastern zone of Cambodia toppled the Khmer Rouge Government in 1979. Natural destruction and civil war flushed out refugees to its neighbouring countries. People who stay in the country try to do their best to cope with hardship.
In 1993, Cambodian had an opportunity to select
their members of the National Assembly. Unfortunately there were no absolute
majority in the Parliament. This led to an uneasy coalition between two
previous rival factions: the FUCINPEC and the CPP. Cambodia had its two
co-prime ministers. Then in 1996 a faction of Khmer Rouge led by Ieng Sary
defected to the Royal Government. The two co-prime ministers began to play
off the Khmer Rouge and in July 1997, Hun Sen launched a coup to toppled
the first priminister Prince Ranarith. Hun Sen quickly proclaimed he honours
the Paris agreement and the monarchy constitution of Cambodia.
I. Country
A. Land
Location
Cambodia is located between latitude 11 and 14
degree North and longitudes 102 and 108 degree East. The country is 181
035 Km sq. Cambodia is composed of 18 provinces or Khet. Administered by
a provincial governor, each province, with a population amount to 50 000,
is subdivided into districts or Srok. There are 172 districts administered
by a chief of the district. Each district is composed of a set of communes
or Khum. A group of villages form a commune. There are 11 700 villages
or Phoum in Cambodia.
The country is bounded on the North by Thailand
and Laos, on the East by Vietnam, and on the West by Thailand and the Gulf
of Thailand. Except two chains of mountains Dangrek and Cardamom separate
Cambodia and Thailand, the country is mainly flat with a fresh water lake
called Tonle Sap which regulates the flow of Mekong river from Thailand
and Laos.
River
Mekong plays an important part in Cambodia
development. It has a great potential for hydroelectric power generation.
It provides at least 420 kilometre of water way across Cambodia from North
to South and fills the natural reservoir of Great Lake or
Tonle Sap
during the rainy season. This causes the Tonle Sap to reverse its course
and increases the lake in depth from 1 to 10 metres and the water surface
area from 25 000 to 1 300 000 hectares. Tonle Sap, as a flood regulator,
stores excess water from Mekong and provides natural grounds for fish farming.
For centuries, Tonle Sap is the main source of protein supply for Cambodian.
As the dry season begins, water recedes and Tonle Sap resumes its course.
The lake shore becomes silted and enriched with nutrients. This enables
the cultivation of rice and other crops. ( UNESCO, 1993, p 14 )
Climate
The climate is tropical and hot with a wet monsoon
season extending from May to October ( 27 to 35 degree Celsius ). The shift
of wind from the North brought cold weather by the dry monsoon season (
17 to 27 degree Celsius ) from late November to February. The hottest month
is April when the temperature can soar up to 40 degree Celsius. People
usually talk about two seasons: the dry season and the rainy season when
rice plantation is possible.
ForestBefore the war, rain forest covered about 75% of Cambodia. There are still virgin rain forest, but logging during the recent years shrinks Cambodian forest to about 49%. The Arm Forces have their control on logging. In December 1995, the Royal Government puts a ban on logging. But deforestation continues where 12% of the forest is under foreign logging firm control. ( Taylor & Wheeler, 1996, p 24 )
People & Culture
A. Names of the Country
The Khmer who now populate Cambodia arrived to
the Indochina Peninsular before their present Vietnamese, Thai and Lao
neighbours. At the beginning of the first century a Khmer Queen named Liu
Ye controlled the area which was composed of a small number of Khmer states.
The queen was defeated in a battle by Kaundinya, an Indian prince who,
soon after, married her and introduced Indian culture to the Khmer. ( Coedes,
1968, p 37 ). Their first Khmer kingdom was Bnam in old Khmer language
with its capital Vyadhapura ( The city of hunters ) near the present day
Banam or Baphnom. The Chinese called it Funan which reached its zenith
in the fifth century. By the sixth century, the Kingdom of Chenla, another
Khmer state established control over Funan. The royal family of Chenla,
descendants of Kambu intermarried with their Funanese counterparts
and generally preserved the early political, social, and religious institutions
of Funan. ( Ross, 1990, p 6-9 ) Chenla spread into two areas with the Water
Chenla in the South and the Land Chenla in the North. These states fought
each other to seek domination. During the ninth century King Indravaraman
( 877 - 908 ) of the land Chenla were able to reunite them and named his
kingdom as Kambuja Desa ( kmºfjaeds )
or in short Kampuchea ( kmºfja ). Contemporary
Cambodian call their country Srok Khmer ( ®sukEKµr
) or Nokor Khmer ( ngrEKµr ) which means
Country of the Khmer. It is officially called Preah Reacheanachack Kampuchea
( ®bHrajaNac®kkmºfja ) which is translated
in French as Le Royaume du Cambodge or in English as the Kingdom
of Cambodia or in short Cambodia. During the last three decades
after its independence, Cambodia have changed its name from regime to regime.
The Kingdom of Cambodia ®bHrajaNac®kkmºfja
Up to March 1970
The Khmer Republic saDarN:rxÙEKµr
1970 to 1975
Democratic Kampuchea kmºfja®pjaDip¹ety¥
1975 to 1979
The People Republic of Kampuchea saDarN:rxÙ®pjamanitukmºfja
1979 to 1989
The State of Cambodia rxÙkmºfja
1989 to 1993
After the general election sponsored by the United
Nations in 1993, Cambodia returns to its original name: The Kingdom
of Cambodia.
B. Constitution and Administration
Cambodia becomes a Constitutional Monarchy ruled by King Norodom Sihanouk. Under the Constitution, the king hold the Throne and is the Head of State for life. But the king does not hold power and does not have power to select his successor. The successor is elected within seven days of the king’s death by the Royal Council of the Throne which is composed of the National Assembly President and Vice-President, Prime Minister (s), and Supreme Monks of both Buddhist Orders. ( Bowden, 1996, p 18 )
According to the Constitution, the Kingdom of
Cambodia is an independent, sovereign, neutral, and permanently non-aligned
state. The motto is “ Nation, Religion, King ”. Cambodian citizens older
than 18 can vote. There are 120 members of the National Assembly selected
from various political parties by universal elections. The government term
is fixed at five years.
C. People
Population
The population of Cambodia has been fairly homogeneous.
The total population of Cambodia was 9.5 millions ( 1994 ). There are 54%
female and 46% male. They have a life expectancy at birth of 51 years.
The crude birth rate is 33 per thousand and the infant mortality rate of
111 per thousand live birth. ( Asiaweek, 1994 ) The population growth rate
is 2.5% per annum in 1994.
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Ethnic mix
The population is composed mainly of Khmer ethnic
( 92% ). Other minority ethnics are Kuoy, Phnong, Samre, Purr, Cham, Vietnamese
and Chinese. Chinese, the largest minority in Cambodia, are mainly living
in the urban areas.
The government officially claims in 1995 that there are about 50 000 Chinese; Taylor and Wheeler consider it as a disputed figure. Other observers says there may be as many as 400 000 of them. The Chinese have been integrated very well in Cambodian Society. Generally, relations between the Chinese and the Khmer are good. There were some intermarriage. Their descendants, the Sino-Khmer dominates commerce and are living in the main cities and also in small towns. “ Industrious, entreprising, intelligent, gifted in business, and hard working, the Chinese and Sino-Khmers seldom smiled. But the khmer needd them and accepted them, and some even went so far as marriage with them”. ( Martin, 1994, p 2 )
The Khmer have shown antipathy toward the Vietnamese than toward the Chinese ( Ross, 1990, p 108 ). It is unlikely that such prejudice will disappear in the near future. The government reckons 100 000 Vietnamese ( March 1995 ) living in Cambodia.
The third minority group is the Cham who are Muslims. The official statistic of the Cham population is 203 000 people. The rest of the ethnic minority is the Khmer Leu , a word given to the hill tribe people ( Kuoy, Phnong, Samre, Peur, Saouch ) living in the plateau of North eastern region of Cambodia. They are about 60 000 of them. ( Taylor & Wheeler, 1996, p 29 ) These minorities have their languages and cultures.
The Khmers always smile. “The French took the smiles as a sign of acquiescence... The Khmers are “ slow to work but uncomplaining about the difficulty of a task for which their solid physique prepared them”. ( Martin, 1994, p 2 - 8 )
Language
The national language is Khmer. It belongs to
the Mon - Khmer family of the Austroasiatic group. Its written language
is unique. The Khmer alphabet has thirty three consonants, twenty four
dependent vowels, twelve independent vowels and several diacritics. Most
consonants have reduced or modified forms, called subscripts, when they
occur as the second member of a consonant cluster. Vowels may written before,
after, over, or under a consonant symbol ( Ross, 1990, p 111 ). Spoken
Khmer is non tonal. Words may be composed of one or two syllables.
Consonants
k° Kð g© GÌ qœ cç
CÇ jÆ JÔ Y
p¹ P¸ bº Bõ mµ t†
TÊ d¶ DÎ n~~
xÅ XÙ z½ ZÛ Nˆ y¥
®r l¬ và sß hú L /÷>
Vowels
/ /a /i /I /w /W /u /U /Ë
e/I e/‘ e/] e/ E/ ‰/ e/a e/A /Mu
/aM /H /uH e/H e/aH>
Number
º ¡ ™ £ ¢ ° §
¶ • ª
The normal word order is subject-verb-object. Although the Khmer society does not have a social caste system, its language has various registers. There are languages for royalty, monks, spirits, poetic, superiors, inferiors, and animals. Inappropriate use of the registers is considered as rude or ridiculous.
English Ordinary Royal Monk Superior Inferior
Eat YaMf esay Can bisar sIu Sleep egq P¶Mf swq sMran† exk
Religion
Muslim have survived within the Cham community
since the fall of Champa to Vietnam. Christian reached Cambodian soil when
a Portuguese mission came to Cambodia in the sixteen century. The French
and later the American have introduced it but because of the conservative
nature of Khmer society, Christianity are not well adopted.
Buddhism is Cambodian national religion. Ninety
six percent of Cambodian are Theravada Buddhist ( Neveu, 1993, p 94 ).
Cambodian Buddhism is based on three elements called “ Tri Ratanak Tray”
namely: Buddha , Darma , Sangha. Buddha is the “ Enlightened One ” who
discovered the true interrelationship of chain of life called the “ Samsara
” where individuals have suffered in the world of illusion in endless cyclic
motion - Law of change: conception, birth, mature, decline, death, and
rebirth. This life cycle law is true. Buddha found that there are “ Fourth
Noble Truths ”.
1. Existence inevitably leads to unhappiness -
Dukha
2. Unhappiness caused by desire - Tanaha
3. Unhappiness can be avoided by the crushing
of desire.
4. Desire can be crushed by strict adherence
to a prescribed moral path
To refrain oneself from Dukha, Buddha suggested
that the people should follow a middle path and make merit to rid themselves
from bad results or “ Karma ” . It depends on offering, not receiving;
on achievement, not on inheritance. He/she who does good receives good,
He/she who does evil receives evil.
A Buddhist should observe at least five precepts:
1. Do not suppress life in any forms,
2. Do not steal,
3. Do not be unchasted,
4. Do not lie, and
5. Do not consume intoxication
The monks have to observe strictly extra five
precepts.
6. Do not eat after the sanction hour,
7. Do not participate in any activity that excites
the senses,
8. Do not use adornment, cosmetic, and perfumes,
9. Do not recline on a raised bed, and
10. Do not handle money or gold.
The temple is not just for Buddhism but is also as a vocational and social institution. Cambodian at the countryside still obtain their vocational training by learning to build houses, make carts, and farm implements.
Because of Animism and Hinduism were practised in Cambodia during the past Buddhist practice in Cambodia has its own local specific. The majority of Khmer people go to the temple to celebrate various ceremonies rather than to go there to learn about Buddhism. Its is rather a ritual than a practice. The believe of spirit cult or ‘Neak ta’ in Khmer people is still strong. It has a commanding position in Khmer people spiritual wellbeing. It is not unusual to see “Ramayana” story depicted on the wall of Buddhist temples or to hear the story told or entertained during a Buddhist celebration with violence and war. Even Angkor Wat, an ancient Brahmanism temple, houses thousand statues of Buddha and two Buddhist temples. Such cultural and religion mix influences the unique value of Cambodian society.
Angkor Wat
Angkor Wat is the Khmer national symbol. It is
one of the main tourist attractions in Southeast Asia. Cambodians are proud
of their ancestors who built this glorious sandstone temple. It is a place
of pilgrimage for the Khmer people. Every political leaders since King
Ang Duong, regardless of their ideologies or political philosophies, always
include Angkor Wat as the focal point of their national flags. Cambodians,
descendants of people that produced architectural master pieces of the
Angkor era ( Bit, 1991, p 3 ), are warriors.
The Khmer empire had reached its apogee during the Angkor period before it disintegrated by the invasion of the Cham and later the Siam or Thailand. Since then Cambodia has gone through a series of war with the Siam and Vietnam. The throne changed hands very often as the different princes played off either the Thai or the Vietnamese to enable them to take power ( Neveu, 1993, p 27 ).
Their country, once beautiful and peaceful, has
been torn apart by war began in 1970. All Cambodian have recently undergone
much hardship. Many Cambodian have witnessed the senseless killing of innocent
people and destruction of their economy and social system. This tragedy
began when the main stakeholders in Cambodian international and national
politic did not accept Cambodian neutrality.
Household: Husband, wife, unmarried children.
Individual: Surrounded by a small inner circle of family and friends.
Family ties: Strongest emotion ties
Assurance of aid in the event of trouble
Economic cooperation in labour
Sharing of produce and income and contribution
as a unit
Community: A strong feeling of pride.
Sharing of of religious life through the local
Buddhist temple.
Responsibility: The husband is the head
of the family but
the wife has considerable authority, especially
in family economics.
Ownership: Property was vested in the nuclear
family
Division of property was equal among siblings
Housing: Rural - Khmer houses are raised
on stills
Urban - Building: brick, masonry or wood.
Diet: Staple: Rice
Meat: Fish, Chicken & red meat
Vegetables: Trorkuon, cabbage, tomatoes etc.
Eating Three time a day
Dress: Work: Western style clothing&
loose fitting pants, shirts
Home: Sampot, Sarong, Krama
Social strata: Elite group or upper class,
Middle class,
Lower class: rural peasants & unskilled urban
workers
Values No homogeneous, unicultural system
Influenced by several
1. different cultural traditions: Khmer, Indian,
French, Chinese
2. religions: Buddhism, Bramanism, ancestor belief
3. social & political inclinations.
Attitude: Relax, easy going & quiet
Work ethic: Want a well defined responsibility.
Greeting: Press both hands and raise to the level of the face
Kissing: Pressing of the nose close to
the cheek and strongly inhaling
Politics
King Ponhea Yat abandoned Angkor Wat and moved Cambodian Capital in 1435 to Chadomouk and later called Phnom Penh then his successors abandoned it. Since the fall of Angkor, Cambodian throne changed hands very often as different princes played off either the Thai or the Vietnamese to enable them to take power. ( Neveu, 1993, p 26-27 ) King Ang Duong, father of future king Norodom and King Sisowath, was crowned at the end of 1847 and based in Oudong. In 1863, The Kingdom of Kampuchea or Cambodia sought protection from France to escape threats from Thailand and Vietnam; in July 1863, French Admiral de la Grandiere went to Oudong and made King Norodom sign a treaty putting the country under its protectorate. Norodom moved backed to Phnom Penh in 1867. Ten years later on France twisted the treaty and colonised Cambodia as a member of the French Indochina Union in 1887. King Sisowath succeeded King Norodom in 1904 and died in 1927. King Sisowath Monivong succeeded him and died in 1941. Soon after the death of King Monivong, French authorities crowned King Norodom Sihanouk instead of the Sisowath heir, Prince Sisowath Monireth. The Japanese invasion during the Second World War supported the Independence movement Issarak of Sihanouk who declared Independence on the 13th of March 1945 ( Neveu, 1993, p 28-29 ), and forced to choose Son Ngoc Than, a young democrat, as the Prime Minister of The Kingdom of Kampuchea on 9th March 1945. When the Japanese lost the War, he was sent to jail and later on live in exile.
In North Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh pursued a goal of internationalisation of the old French Indochina. As the result Vietnam introduced its network known as Viet Minh to train and support communists in Cambodia. The objective of the Vietnamese Communists was to establish a Communist-dominated government in Cambodia that would be a sympathetic Viet Minh supporters and eventually become a protectorate of North Vietnam ( Steinberg, 1959, p 106). The Viet Minh began to organise its political activities in Cambodia in 1949 with the creation of the Canvassing Committee for the creation of a Revolutionary Cambodian People's Party. In 1950 it began an installation of a complete network of Cadre Committees under the overall direction of Nguyen Thanh Son.
The struggle of the nationalists led by King Sihanouk in Cambodia and the threats on French administration from the Communists in Vietnam at Bien Dien Phue led to the independence of Cambodia on 9 November 1953 though its autonomy had been granted in 1949. France ignored the Khmer's ownership of Cochin-China and ceded it to South Vietnam. On July 21, 1954, the Geneva Conference on Indochina recognised Cambodia as a sovereign and independent state.
Although political factions threatened the political experiment, King Sihanouk tried to act as arbiter. The King's major opposition, however, came from the radical Khmer Issarak (Free Cambodia), which later became the Cambodian Democratic Party. ( Kim & Ziring, p 261) On March 2nd 1955, Prince Sihanouk formally abdicated as King in favour of his father, King Norodom Soramarith. By doing so, the prince was able to participate actively in Khmer politics. He founded in April 1955 a political party called Sangkum Reastr Niyum ( sq©mraÂs†niym ). In a national election held in September 1955, Prince Sihanouk's Sangkum won every seat in the ninety-one member National Assembly.
II. Neutrality and the Super Powers
Cambodia's independence and neutrality rested
very heavily on one man, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, the former king, who
personally arrived at the unusual manoeuvre of stepping down from the throne
to become prime minister and head of state. For some years he had followed
a policy of playing off communists and anti-communists against each other
( Speed, 1970, P 73 ) by requesting military aid from Washington as well
as having assurances of non-interference from both Peking and Hanoi. (
Shawcross, 1979, p 52 ) USA offered economic and financial aid; Prince
Sihanouk accepted only if it was unconditional. After removing the communists
under the Geneva agreement and believing in neutrality for Cambodia survival,
Prince Sihanouk determined to stay away from the Southeast Asian Treaty
Organisation ( SEATO ) composed of United States of America, Britain, France,
Pakistan, Thailand, Australia, and New Zealand.
A. The SEATO and Khmer Neutrality
1. Neutrality - Geneva Cease fire Agreement 1954
The Paris edition of the New York Herald-Tribune,
September 12, 1953, asserted that the Cambodians had offered neutrality
to the Viet Minh in exchange for the withdrawal from Cambodia. This statement
elicited painful comment from French and American representative in Cambodia,
who deplored its manifest neutralism and they threatened withdrawal of
economic aid to Cambodia. ( Steinberg, 1959, p 10). In replying to the
threats, the Cambodian Sihanouk’s government issued a declaration:
"Cambodia demands its independence more than
any aid. The fact that we are threatened that economic aid will be cut
if we refuse to fight against communists outside the borders of Cambodia...
The fact that small countries only have the right to carry out the orders
of their great 'allies or friends' who serve for themselves the right to
start or end wars with these small countries without consulting them all
these facts worry us..." ( Burchett, 1959, P 119 ).
Cambodia pursued a policy of neutrality under
the Geneva cease-fire agreement of July 1954 in return for the withdrawal
of Viet Minh troop from Cambodia. All foreign armed forces should leave
Cambodia within 90 days. Cambodia accepted a supervision from an International
control Commission - India, Poland and Canada. The number of North Vietnamese
evacuees was considered unsatisfactory by the Khmer government, which estimated
that at least 4000 to 5000 communist rebels had remained behind, hidden
their weapons and merged with the surrounding Vietnamese population, ready
to rise again should the opportunity occur. ( Steinberg, 1959, p 112 ).
2. SEATO and Khmer Neutrality
USA saw the existence of the Viet Minh as a threat in South East Asia. With its intention to block the spread of communists into the region, USA invited Cambodia to be a member of SEATO. During his visit in Cambodia, senator Knowland argued that it was a dangerous policy, that one should not await the danger but to go out to meet it by attacking 'communist and Viet Minh'. ( Burchett, 1959, p 120 ).
Early in 1956 Prince Sihanouk visited Manila where
considerable pressures had been exerted on him to enter SEATO. The Manila
Chronicle of February 1, 1956 wrote:
"The Philippines and Cambodia have reestablished
their historic ties... which should end in Cambodia signing SEATO. Philippines
officials confirmed that the careful preparations for the visit of Sihanouk
were part of a campaign to push the neutral state into the East-West fight
". Prince Sihanouk maintained the terms of the Geneva agreement and went
on to say that: "SEATO... was perhaps a solution for Philippines but not
for Cambodia". He firmly defended the neutral position of Cambodia. ( Burchett,
1959, p 142-143 ). American policy has been obsessed with the maintenance
of an anti-communist barrier across the Indochina. ( Buchanan, 1968, p
139 ). A series of border incidents between 1957 and 1958 provoked by Thailand
and Vietnam to force Cambodia out of its neutrality to join SEATO ( Steinberg,
1959, p 114 ) led to an anti-American attitude of the Cambodian government
during the 1960's. Cambodia broke off diplomatic relations with Thailand
in 1959 when it demanded the ownership of Preah Vihear temple. Cambodia
represented by Sam Sary went to the Hague’s International Court of Justice
won the case in June 1962.
Upon the death of his father the king on April 3, 1960, the constitution was amended on June 14, 1960 to allow the election of Prince Sihanouk as Head of State. On November 10, 1963, Sihanouk renounced all US economic and military aid. In January 1964, he nationalised all banks and private enterprises. On 16 September 1964, the Cambodian press revealed a US plot to assassinate Prince Sihanouk.( Buchanan, 1968, p 137). General Dap Chhourn was executed after a failed coup attempt. Son Ngoc Thanh and Sam Sary were accused of treason. On 3 May 1965, Cambodia cut its diplomatic relations with the USA; this also led to break up of diplomatic relations between Cambodia and their neighbours: Thailand and South Vietnam. These countries provided their border areas for insurgences of pro-American Khmer militants groups known as Khmer Serey ( Free Khmer ). Khmer Serey operated in Thailand under the leadership of Leuk Sam Oeun and in South Vietnam under the leadership of Song Ngoc Thanh, were supported and financed by the CIA, if not by the US government.
During this period, Burchett in his Mekong Upstream
wrote:
The struggle to preserve Cambodian neutrality
had indeed, been a front line one, for her neutrality has had to be defended
with courage and tenacity, and except for a brief Viet Minh incursion in
1953, it had had to be defended largely against Western or Free- World
pressures.
3. Corruption
Corruption within the Khmer administration led
to the establishment of a Ministry of Anti-corruption. Prince Monireth
was appointed. As a result, the Minister of Finance and the Minister of
Commerce were forced to resign. There had been many prosecution against
the black marketeers and against corrupt officials including former ministers
and heads of departments, the Chief of Customs and leading merchants. (
Burchett, 1959, p 169).
Kieu Samphan was appointed later as the under
secretary of commerce. He choose a simple life-style and did not accept
any bribe. At one stage, a police gang under Kou Run, stripped off Samphan's
clothes in public because of his practice. The warrant of arrest and his
idealistic views led him to join the internal communists. During the 60's,
Prince Sihanouk used the term Khmer Rouge to describe a relatively small
group in Cambodia which was hostile to him.
B. Communism and Khmer Neutrality
1. Relation with China
Prince Sihanouk interested in the non-aligned
movement after meeting U Nu of Burma and Nerhu of India. After the Manila
visit, Sihanouk went to China and Russia. They recognised the neutrality
and integrity of Cambodia and offered unconditional aid. During a long
National Congress debate, Cambodia accepted the above aid, and swung to
the left.
2. Internal Communists
As early as 1947, during the French war in Indochina,
some Viet Minh elements including pure Vietnamese and Vietnamese of Khmer
origin set up communist groups in some remote parts of Cambodia, Battambang
and Kampong Thom. The cease-fire and the subsequent evacuation of communist
rebel forces from Cambodia did not, however, eliminate the threat of communist
political or even military subversion in the area. After the Geneva agreements
of 1954 the Viet Minh forces had withdrawn from these areas, but they left
behind some political cadres and its network. ( Shaplen, p 318) The concession
by Hanoi, under Soviet and China pressure, at Geneva had considerable impact
on the development of Cambodian Communism. This group were known in 1951
as Revoltionary Cambodian People’d Party for Procheachon Party.
The Geneva agreement in 1954 marked a historic
split among Khmer Communists. Those who were taken to Hanoi remained there
and were more pro-Vietnamese. Those Khmer Communist guerrillas who disobeyed
Hanoi and decided to stay in the marquis after 1954 and those who joined
them later came to regard this as an outright betrayal by Hanoi, done in
Vietnam's national interest with no regard for proletarian solidarity.
( Shawcross, 1979, p 48 )
Within Cambodia, the division among different kinds of radicals within the Cambodian Democratic Party ( gNpkß®pjaDipety¥ ) began after the Sangkum Reast Niyum Party’s victory in 1955. The Procheachon Party went underground. Urban intellectuals held that Sihanouk should be encouraged in his anti-communist stand. Their leadership and policies were supported by Soviet Unions and China. This group maintained close relationship with Sihanouk. The second group who were represented by rural intellectuals saw Sihanouk and the feudal class were their principal enemy. Their first goal were to have the Cambodian revolution. They considered themselves as the ‘Masters’ of the Khmer country. ( Vickery, 1986, p 14 ) In 1960 the Cambodian Democratic Party held its second congress attended by Tou Samouth, Noun Chea, Saloth Sar ( Pol Pot ), Ieng Sary, Keo Meas, So Phim, Prasith, and Non Suon. At the third congress in February 1963, the Paris Marxist circle took over the Cambodian Democratic Party. ( Vickery, 1986, p 14 ) Leftist in Phnom Penh such as Hou Yuon, Hu Nim, and Khieu Samphan tried to work with Sihanouk toward the idea of a gradual socialist transformation. In September 1966, there were an organisational change of both the left and the right. The former called a meeting and adopted the name Communist Party of Cambodia. The right consolidated its position in the National Assembly elections. Lon Nol became Prime Minister. Hou Yuon, Hu Nim, and Khieu Samphan won their seats at the National Assembly. ( Vickery, 1986, p 17 -18 ) Throughout the sixties, Sihanouk’s autocracy flushed young educated Cambodians either retired to Paris, or joined the Khmer Serey of Son Ngoc Than, or joined the Communist Khmer. ( Shawcross, 1979, p 51 )
Early in 1967 Sihanouk was doubt about the intentions of the Chinese, who for the first time showed the signs of wanting to interfere directly in the country's internal political affairs. Chinese economic aids enabled China to have a firm ground to spread their communist ideology in Cambodia. Their technicians and consultants lured young Cambodian especially Chinese Cambodian and workers in their Chinese aid factories. These young people learnt Maoism and created their local networks. The prince saw the internal threat from the communists and the suspected link of the external communists, "he reaffirmed his determination to defend the country's neutrality against any enemy whether it would be the Viet Minh or the United States." ( Davidson, 1979, p 159). He also confessed to an error of judgment: "It was my belief that China would leave Cambodia alone until the Americans had withdrawn." ( Shaplen, p 324).
Toward the end of April 1967, following an arrest of about 150 Khmer Viet Minh in Battambang, Prince Sihanouk publicly named Hu Nim, Kieu Samphan and Hou Yuon as the three ringleaders of the communist conspiracy. ( Shaplen, p 319). They disappeared from their homes and joined the marquis.
With the growing of the internal communists, Prince
Sihanouk gave word of warning:
When our country come under a communism regime
those of our countrymen who think this will regret the good old days of
the Sangkum but it will be too late. ( Buchanan, 1959, p 129).
3. Khmer Eastern province as corridors for
Vietcong
The swing to the left by hoping to preserve Cambodia's neutrality ended up with exploitation by the communists' friends. Cambodia's eastern provinces were secretly used as a corridor by the Vietcong and North Vietnamese to fight South Vietnam. The communists pressed too hard to get Cambodia to assist the supplies of the Vietnamese communists. Their presence in the eastern part of Cambodia was not popular with the Khmer people.
On January 1968, Prince Sihanouk publicly acknowledged
for the first time that Khmer eastern provinces were used by Vietcong as
a sanctuary and as a source of supplies. On march 18, the prince showed
in detail the areas used by 40,000 North Vietnamese and Vietcong in Khmer
territory. At Cambodia's National Day Celebration on November 9th, 1968,
Prince Sihanouk told foreign correspondents, "I hope the U.S will not withdraw
from Asia because I need some cards in my hand to maintain a balance...
I hope the U.S will go on occupying Thailand and the Philippines so that
I can manipulate the situation in Southeast Asia". He added that Cambodia
would never accept U.S troops on her soil, but would only use their presence
in the area to maintain a balance between communism and imperialism. (
Speed, 1970, p 73).
4. US-Khmer Relation Restored
On September 11, 1966, the legislative elections gave a rightist majority to the new National Assembly. Cambodia's conservative leaders did not agree with Prince Sihanouk. They could not imagine that Cambodian neutrality could be preserved when the country was already utilised by the warring camps. It was their conviction that Cambodia should acknowledge that their interests were linked with the American presence. In 1967 these leaders began to insist on Cambodian support for American policies in Southeast Asia. Sihanouk, however, was steadfast in his convictions. He refused to grant the conservatives their wishes, arguing that Cambodian could not defend itself against both the Khmer Rouge from within and the Vietnamese from without ( Kim & Ziring, p 284). Prince Sihanouk explained that his resentment against the Americans was not because he was pro-communist, but, on the contrary, was because the United States insisted of continuing a war which it was destined to lose and by seeking to destroy neutral countries they were unconsciously becoming the best agents of communism in Indochina. If Cambodia in the near future became surrounded by "red" nations, without doubt this was made possible by the Americans. ( Buchanan, 1959, p 145).
On April 1969, President Richard Nixon expressed the United States recognition of the sovereignty, neutrality and territorial integrity of Cambodia. By June 1969, U.S Cambodian diplomatic relations were restored.
On August 1969, Prince Sihanouk named General
Lon Nol as his new Prime Minister for the "Gouvernement de Sauvettage";
at the end of 1969, Lon Nol went to France for health reasons and left
Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak acting on his behalf. A number observers thought
the occasion went badly for Sihanouk.
C. Conclusion
For fifteen years, Norodom Sihanouk, as chief of state, conducted the country's affairs with a curious blend of autocracy and democracy, neutral in his foreign policy but inclined towards those countries that were prepared to recognise and respect the borders he claimed to be correct, yet permissive towards North Vietnam's used of Cambodia's eastern for munition and reinforcements. ( Speed, 1970, p 30).
Domestically, Sihanouk eliminated his rivals into one party-state which led to discontentment that caused a split in leadership between the left on one hand and the conservative military forces on the other. He faced the challenge realistically. "When resistance will no longer be possible, Sihanouk will withdraw and the army, which is anti-communist, will take power". ( Shaplen, p 338).
Nixon called Sihanouk ‘a crazy fox’ . Any assessment
of Sihanouk must always be tentative. He is a compulsive poker player,
of the type that never drops out of the game, and he plays politics the
same way, with a mixture of bluff and guile as he tries to catch his opponents
off guard and make them believe he holds more cards than he actually has.
Inclination of Cambodia toward communism had indirectly
introduced Cambodia to the Vietnam war. General Lon Nol overthrew Prince
Sihanouk. America and South Vietnam backed up Lon Nol to deviate pressure
from South Vietnam for American troops withdrawal. Chinese with North Vietnamese
backed up the deposed prince to fight imperialism. As a result, Cambodians
fought each other for the sake of their friends.
A. 18 March 1970 Revolution
On 7 January 1970, a Lebanese cargo held in Phnom Penh airport contained 3 million pounds worth of medicine for Vietcong. General Lon Nol went to consult the prince in France. After Lon Nol's return, the country's 500 Riel bank note issue was changed on 20 February 1970 to ruin the existing large stock of previous Khmer notes held by Vietcong. On 11 March 1970, Vietcong and North Vietnamese Embassies were sacked and left burning after well organised anti-Vietcong demonstrations. The National Assembly presided by Cheng Heng and In Tam expressed support for the demonstrations.
From Paris, Prince Sihanouk sent a cable criticising
the demonstrations. General Lon Nol's government took little notice and
on 13 March 1970 demanded the withdrawal of the North Vietnamese and Vietcong
troops by dawn of the 15 March from Cambodia. The Vietnamese minority were
displaced to South Vietnam. It was found on April 15, 1970 that bodies
of Vietnamese people killed by Cambodian soldiers floated down the Mekong.
( Lipsman & Doyle, 1983, p 145 ).
A first attempt of the national Assembly to overthrown
Prince Sihanouk failed; but two days later on the 18 march 1970, the National
Assembly successfully announced their dismissal of the prince from his
post as the head of state. Baron Walter Von Marschall summed up: "The decisive
element in the coup and its overriding cause were the determination of
a small but influential group to secure the profits of power... and foolishly
let themselves be swept away by the tide of anti-Vietnamese feeling they
created." ( Davidson, p 164 ).
B. Khmer Rouge & The Royal Government in Exile
Prince Sihanouk learnt the news in Moscow on his way to China. Unfortunately, The Soviet Union did not support the prince. In China the prince met Chou En Lai, the Chinese Premier, and announced a few days later his intention to establish a royal government in exile based in China. Taking that opportunity, Khmer Rouge joined the prince to fight the Lon Nol government in Phnom Penh and gained acceptance in the countryside by using the prince's popularity. The existing Vietcong and North Vietnamese troops poured into the Western region of Cambodia and controlled Cambodian countryside. The Viet Minh agents stayed behind since 1954 reappeared to back up the Vietcong and Khmer Rouge. They confined the Lon Nol liberal government in the main cities by destroying communication and supplies links.
Although the royal government in exile existed,
the Khmer Rouge run along with its communist government led by Kieu Samphan,
Hou Nim, Hou Yuon, Ieng Sary and Saloth Sar later known as Pol Pot. Four
thousand Khmer communists joined the Viet Minh during the 1960's returned
to support the government in exile.
C. First Khmer Rouge - Vietnamese Incidence
While Khmer Rouge were in their infancy, their
supplies and ammunitions were administered by the North Vietnamese. Tension
tightened during the late 1971 when Khmer Rouge demanded its controls over
supplies and ammunitions after a clash between the Khmer Rouge and North
Vietnamese in Siemreap, a North Western province of Cambodia. Khmer Rouge
established its separate administration. In 1973, Khmer Rouge demanded
that all Vietcong and North Vietnamese troops pull out of Cambodia; but
Khmer Rouge allowed them to use the eastern part of Cambodian as their
strategic sanctuary to fight South Vietnam.
D. Corruption of Lon Nol Government
General mobilisation after the coup in 18 March 1970 was strongly supported during the early stage of the Revolution; but people lost confidence after Lon Nol had a stroke. In January 1973, Lon Nol acknowledged that “ Corruption is as old as the land... it is a problem of every area and every country... ( Corfield, 1994, p 188 ) Corruption spread within the military ranks and Khmer administration. "Men ad boys had been recruited to serve the front lines, but they were poorly trained and badly led. Their pay was meagre and they were never provided with adequate clothing or nourishment..." ( Kim & Ziring, p 289 ). A report in the New York Times of March 16, 1975 summed up: "War widows stand weeping outside the government office because they cannot cut through the bureaucracy. That is, they don't have the bribe money necessary to get the pensions due to them. At the same time, some army commanders personally collect and keep the death benefits of soldiers killed in their units. This money, one year's salary, is supposed to go to the family of the death soldier. But the commander produces fake relatives, paying them a small amount for the masquerade while keeping the bulk of the money for himself. With little care from those generals, soldiers lost their morale and deserted the troops. People fled to the main cities; Phnom Penh's population alone was estimated at from two to two and a half million. The overcrowded cities led to a shortage of foods and supplies. Speculations were familiar in the streets of Phnom Penh. Lon Nol government survived only by US airlifts.
Khmer Rouge agents in Lon Nol administration and military ranks who were living in the main cities exploited the situations. They smuggled ammunition and medicines to the Khmer Rouge liberated zone. Frequent sabotages and unrests disturbed the daily life of civilians.
On 1st April 1975, Lon Nol and his family left
Cambodia after he was given US$500 000 to help for his future in America.
( Corfield, 1994, p 216 )
E. Vietnamisation Of The War
American successfully introduced the Vietnamisation
of the war in Vietnam and in Cambodia. The plan for the U.S troops withdrawal
was underway. China and North Vietnam backed up the deposed prince to fight
imperialism. Lon Nol on the other side welcome American aid and South Vietnam
troops. As the result, Cambodian fought their countrymen for the sake of
vietnamisation of the Vietnam War.
During the cold war, America and China did not
accept a neutral Khmer state as a suitable solution for the existence of
Cambodia and regional peace. This pressure led to a series of revolutions
for the sake of a regime and for the interest of superpowers. They cannot
bring peace but suffering of ordinary people. A fanatic communist group
known as Khmer Rouge took over Cambodia in 1975 from an American backed
government which overthrew Sihanouk's royal government in 1970. American
withdrawal from South Vietnam unbalanced the situation in Cambodia. The
Khmer Rouge troops launched an offensive and took over Phnom Penh. Hope
for peace was ruined when they drove out civilians at gunpoint from their
towns and cities. Mass killings and incursions into Vietnamese territory
provided a right opportunity to Vietnam to revive Ho Chi Minh's dream of
a Vietnamese-controlled Indochina Federation. About one and half million
lives were lost due to starvation and killing under the Khmer Rouge regime.
One of its factions fled to Vietnam. After successfully overrun Khmer Rouge
in 1979, this group installed its government backed by Vietnam in Phnom
Penh. But Khmer Rouge was still recognised as the legitimate government
of Cambodia at the United Nations.
A. American Withdrawal
After ceasing the air bombing support to the Lon Nol troops in late 1973, America withdrew its troops from South Vietnam. The visit of President Nixon to China brought about the idea of a peace settlement in Cambodia. Rumour spread that Prince Sihanouk would return to Phnom Penh to end the country problems. In late 1974, Son San visited Cambodia and called for national reconciliation at the Faculty of Commerce in Phnom Penh. A public meeting of student associations in Phnom Penh held at the University of Phnom Penh called on Lon Nol to live in exile.
On January 1975, Khmer Rouge made a general offensive especially on Phnom Penh. They controlled the lower Mekong river; as a result, no supplies from South Vietnam reached Phnom Penh which was utterly isolated and dependent completely on U.S air lifts. Lon Nol government fought Khmer Rouge with desperation. Lon Nol's soldiers lost confidence and deserted. Hospital were cramped with wounded soldiers and civilians. On 1 April 1975, Lon Nol went into exile after taking $1 million from the Cambodian Treasury. One day before the departure of U.S Embassy in Phnom Penh on 12 April, Sokham Khoy, then acting President of the Khmer Republic, weeping for Cambodia, told journalists that "The United States led Cambodia into this war. But when the war became difficult the United States pulled out". (Shawcross, 1979 p 361).
The Kampuchean people, as before in their history,
are innocent victims of international politics which directly effect their
urgent needs. Other countries are pursuing their political and strategic
interests, not the humanitarian needs of the people of Kampuchea Diplomatic
alliances are built on the dubious principal that "if you are my enemy's
enemy, then you must be my friend. The Khmer people are pawns in someone
else game".
B. Khmer Rouge Take-Over
On the morning of 17 April 1975, Khmer Rouges took over Phnom Penh. Within hours they ordered an unexpected mass evacuation. People were forced at gun points to leave their home with few personal belonging without knowing any certain destination. The so-called Khmer Rouge comrades herded the crowd out of Phnom Penh but provided no food, no shelter and no care but gunshots. On foot, people were forced to move from day to day towards remote countrysides. On the road children and elderly people the most suffered and died from exhaustion, dehydration and diarrhoea. Khmer Rouge screened everyone; suspects were killed. At Phnom Penh suburbs Khmer Rouge called for help from the high ranking officers and soldiers of the previous government; they responded frankly by returning to Phnom Penh, but later were executed. Prostitutes were invited to return to Phnom Penh to be reeducated. They all ended up being executed.
After three to six months, displaced people reached remote countryside. As soon as they reached the villages they were supervised closely by village guards and forced to do fieldwork - building dams and irrigation systems, planting rice. Every three persons had a leader who controlled the members at work as well as at home. Off work, everyone had to learn Khmer Rouge ideology. Enemy was a strong word used by Khmer Rouge to define everything from laziness to CIA or KGB agents who were able to disable the Khmer Rouge propaganda and movement.
Khmer Rouge ethics was to fight for the sake of
the Party; individualism and privacy was the umber one enemy. Trade, modern
education, religion practices and Khmer customs were considered as retrograde
culture elements of the spiritual enemy of the revolution.The administration
was military oriented. Starvation and the lack of medicine led to the death
of thousands and thousands of displaced persons.
C. Mass Killing
The first mass killing was after the rainy season of 1977. All window of previous government soldiers and their families including children and grand parents were executed by local guards.
Since the end of 1975, Vietnamese Khmer relation had been deteriorate and touchy. In the same year Vietnamese marines launched attacks and took control of the Khmer Rouge naval base on Poulo Wai Island; but later in August, the Vietnamese returned that island to the Khmer as a goodwill gesture. Clashes often occurred along the Vietnamese-Khmer border.
In 1976, Pham Van Doug, the president of the Communist Party of Vietnam, put forward a plan called "K5" to include Cambodia and Laos into "The new economic zone of Indochina". The repopulation of Vietnamese in Cambodia was also part of the K5 plan. ( Thornton, p 9). By April 1977, the Vietnamese responded to the Khmer Rouge shellings and raids by sending three to six thousand reinforcements to the border zone to launch counterattacks into Khmer territory. They invaded the border zone with complete air, armour and artillery support.
In 31 December 1978, Phnom Penh radio denounced
the socialist Republic of Vietnam as an aggressor which planned to incorporate
Kampuchea into a Vietnamese controlled Indochina federation. Khmer Rouge
wanted to demonstrate that Kampuchea had the capacity to strike at Vietnamese
territory. No solution was possible to the border issue.
The second mass killing was in mid 1978 and resulted
from the internal unrest of the Khmer Rouge and the Vietnamese-Khmer border
conflict. The Vietnamese Khmer born civilian families were considered the
enemies of the state and Khmer Rouge trained by Viet Minh during the 50's
were executed by their comrades. This mass killing led other Khmer Rouges
who had Vietnamese connection, led by So Phim and Heng Samrin, fled to
Vietnam.
D. Vietnamese Invasion
Based on this killing, the Vietnamese launched
a campaign to destroy the Khmer Rouge regime in Phnom Penh by using Heng
Samrin troops to initiate a second invasion on January 1979. In response
to the invasion, China attacked the Sino-Vietnamese border. Having failed
to stop the Vietnamese, Khmer Rouge fled to the Thai-Khmer border and formed
a guerrilla group to fight back. Backed up by the Vietnamese, Heng Samrin
regime took over Cambodia.
E. Results
As a result, one and half million Khmer died
or were killed by its own governments. Jean Lacouture from the New York
Book Review wrote:
"The new Cambodia, the most tightly locked-up
country in the world, where the bloodiest revolution in history is now
taking place... Ordinary genocide usually had been carried out against
a foreign population or an internal minority. The new masters of Phnom
Penh have invented something original, auto genocide... We are now seeing
the suicide of a people in the name of revolution; worse: in the name of
socialism". ( Ponchaud, back cover).
Everything from Khmer cultural identity to the infrastructure were completely destroyed. Cambodians had gone through the worst experience in human history.
The early presence of Vietnamese in Cambodia was
a relief; at least the coldblooded Khmer Rouge were chased away. They recuperated
themselves on the Khmer-Thai border and reorganised their forces to fight
back the Vietnamese. Complication developed when a liberal faction led
by Son San and another faction led by Prince Norodom Sihanouk also claimed
their intention to liberate Cambodia.
One of the main causes of the destruction of Cambodia
beside the pressure of the superpowers is the Khmer governments themselves
who have pursued a short term view for the sake of a regime and its ideology.
They have trusted too much in their friends who acted for their own interests.
Personal interests, corruption, misuses of power and revenge are the real
ingredients in the ruin of the Khmer Country. Ordinary Cambodians had to
endure hardship and rebuild their lives.
A. The People’s Republic of Kampuchea ( PRK )
In Cambodia, the Heng Samrin regime was set up and strengthened by aid from the Soviet bloc. The regime was known as the People’s Republic of Kampuchea. The PRK had a tremendous task to rebuild Cambodia from scratch. After the destruction of Khmer Rouge on Cambodia, of 450 doctors, only 45 remained in the country in 1979. Only 7000 among 20 000 teachers had survived the Khmer Rouge regime. ( Myslsiwiec, 1988, p 10-11 ) The PRK had been relatively liberal by allowing free market forces and individual initiative. About human right, although there had no mass killing or public execution, individual persecution occurred. Its constitution allows only a single party which was the Kampuchean People’s Revolutionary Party (KPRP). This Leninist party controlled the government.
The PRK spent time building up its party machinery instead of feeding the population. While aids from western multilateral donors became entangled in political consideration and negotiation, the Soviet Bloc and Vietnam provided aids to Cambodia to eradicate massive famine. This aids, combined with that of the western non government organisations ( NGO ) and multilateral agencies, enabled the Khmer people to begin the process of recovery. ( Mysliwiec, 1988, p 15 ) A development aid embargo was imposed on Kampuchea in 1983 by most of UN donors governments. Kampuchea was the only third World country to be denied UN development aid. ( Mysliwiec, 1988, p 73 )
During the early 1980s, Vietnam influence in Kampuchea appeared stronger in foreign policies, military affairs, and internal security. Although the direct control from Vietnam was not obvious, it is understood that a permanent pressure to accept Vietnamese policies existed over Cambodian administration. Also a slow process under the K-5 plan of repopulation of Vietnamese in Cambodia displaced Cambodians on their own soil. Western relief workers believe that "more than one million Vietnamese have occupied land left by fleeing Kampuchea. ( Thornton, p 9). Chea Sim became the President of the National Assembly. Pen Sovan, the Prime minister, had been replaced by Chan Si who succeeded by Hun Sen in 1985. Common western view saw the PRK as a mere Vietnam puppet. However the PRK had an identity of its own, and became increasingly assertive vis-a-vis Vietnam during the mid 1980s. Through that period, the government structure was expanded and modified. In October 1985, after the Fifth Party Conference, the Central Committee had 31 full members and 14 alternates. Of the 31, only 5 were Vietnamese veterans, 10 were former Khmer Rouge, and the rest were mainly young professionals who had no association with Vietnam or Khmer Rouge. ( Mysliwiec, 1988, p 84-85 )
Vickery ( 1984 ) wrote that “ the PRK still appeared as the best regime Cambodia had since 1970, and by any criteria better than what was offered by their rivals’ at the Thai Khmer border. The non-Communist Cambodians, administrators, technicians and intellectuals who had elected to remain to work for the PRK continue to do their jobs to live their dream for their family under the PRK which was perceived as superior to civil war under coalition partners who despise and distrust one another nearly as much as they dislike the Vietnamese. ( Vickery, 1984, p 252 ) The PRK regime changed its name from the People’s republic of Kampuchea to the State of Cambodia ( SOC ) in 1989.The withdrawal of the Veitnamese for Cambodia provoqued a military vacuum when the SOC’s troops were not able to contain the advance of the Khmer Rouge and the Nationalists. Lacked of motivation and poorly paid, the SOC’s soldiers did not want to fight against other Khmers. By the end of 1990, Cambodia no longer had Vietnamese fighting force. Martin (1989 ) wrote “ the special offices of Vietnamese experts, A-5 and A-68 in Phnom Penh were colsed ” and Phnom Penh government still received the intruction from Vietnamese through their diplomatic channels. ( p 258 )
Despite ten years of occupation in Cambodia, Vietnamese failed to change the Khmer culture and identitiy. Plan K-5 of Vietnamisation of Cambodia ended up with failure especially in education and culture. The affirmation of Khmer culture and identity were obvious. Buddhism and all kinds of supernatural believe slowly regained its ground. At the same time the Phnom Penh leaders tried to assert themselves as Cambodians. “ Indeed their behaviour revealed the resurgence of specifically Khmer values: arrogance, a fondness for ostentation and power, contempt for the weak, attention to manipulating the symbols of legitimacy... [ The SOC’s ] leaders revealed a desire to copy ”... Prince Sihanouk. People often said “ we are grateful to the Vietnamese and to Hun Sen for saving us from the claws of Pol Pot ”. ( Martin, M., 1989, Cambodia: A Shattered Society, University of California Press, Los Angeles, p 256-262 )
By 1990, Khmer people were disappointed by the pursuit of war and by the growth of corruption. The liberalisation of economy were not unanimously welcomed. During the 19th session of the National Assembly in August 3-9th 1990, Chea Sim expelled two members ( Vandy Ka Un and Ong Phan ) of the central committee and reorganised the Hun Sen government which was accused of corruption. ( Far Eastern Economic Review, 13-9-1990 ) A series of anti corruption demonstrations between 17 to 21 December 1991, led to a clash with the Police which resulted at least 8 student demonstrators killed.( Amnesty International ( London ), State of Cambodia, Killings of Demonstrators, AI Index: ASA 23-01-1992 )
The reduction of aid of the Eastern bloc to Cambodia caused serious problems to the Phnom Penh government. Although the corruption involved a handful of people, its chain reactions affected the entire population. Martin notes that “ Aid supplied since 1979 rarely reaches its intended beneficiaries ”... “ The poverty of the Cambodian is patent in all domains: material, intellectual, and moral.... Their extreme poverty forces Cambodians to purchase second-hand clothing, imported by ton from Singapore and Indonesia...The most desperate of them cut electric or telephone wires from the exchange newly installed by the Australians to sell them in the market. This destitution results as much from the Khmer Rouge regime and the war as it does from the anarchy that affects both the regime and its society”. ( Martin, 1989, p 264-268 )
B. Refugees fled Cambodia
Civilians fled to Thailand seeking refuge. In
June 1979 the Thai government moved 45,000 Khmer back to Cambodia across
Dangrek; as a result thousands of them lost their lives from land mines
and exhaustion. In October 1979, the Thai government announced its open
door policy for displaced Cambodians and granted an illegal alien status
to them by opening even refugee camps alongside the Khmer-Thai border.
From 1980, the Thai authorities has refused to accept new comers. Between
1979 and 1992, about 620 000 Cambodians fled to the Thai Khmer border seeking
relief and protection. Only 250 000 were resettled in the third countries
during the period. The rest were caught in limbo border camps belonging
to various political factions fighting for supremacy. Refugees lived under
continuous social and political hardship. They became pawns of the two
decades of civil war living in atrocious conditions. Adult males were mobilised
into resistance fighting forces.
C. The Resistance, Thai-Khmer border
Although the Khmer Rouge had been ousted, the United States of America sought to secure the future of the Khmer Rouge without appearing to support a genocide regime. Beginning in 1979, America voted year after year for a decade to keep the Khmer Rouge in the United Nations rather than give the seat to the Phnom Penh government. The United States ‘winked, semi publicly’, while encouraging China and Thailand to give the Khmer Rouge direct aid to fight against the Vietnamese occupation. During the 1980's, various resistance groups sprung up at the Cambodian Thai border. Fighting between all four Khmer factions Khmer Rouge, The National United Front for Independent, Neutral, Peaceful and Cooperative Cambodia ( FUNCINPEC ) royalists, The Khmer people National Liberation Front ( KPNLF ) and the Phnom Penh government - to seek domination cannot solve Khmer problems. These political factions ran their own camps within the Khmer border, camps and welcomed the return of refugees. The Thai government was careful to send most of the repatriates into non-Khmer Rouge camps: The royalist front led by Prince Sihanouk and the KPNLF led by Son San. In 1982, when other Western nations started to rebel against this policy, the Regan administration persuaded the two non-communist Cambodian factions, KPNLF and FUNCINPEC, to form alliance with the Khmer Rouge.( Sesser, 1993, p 157 ) Since 1982, three factions operating within the Khmer-Thai border agreed to from a coalition government, the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea ( GDK ), to fight the fourth faction, the pro-Vietnam Heng Samrin regime. The aim of the coalition led by Prince Sihanouk, Son San and Kieu Samphan was to drive, by all means, the Vietnamese troops out of Cambodia and to make a peace settlement between the factions. This coalition gained support form the West and China. The collapse of the Eastern Bloc softened Vietnamese attitude toward peace in Cambodia where Vietnam withdrew its troop in 1989.
a. The Khmer Rouge
China intended to have a stake in Cambodia as
well as in Southeast Asia. They strongly supported Khmer Rouge which was
the strongest group of the democratic coalition. The Khmer Rouge’s main
goal was to regain power. They were not fighting for Cambodia. They were
fighting for their own survival. They wanted to seek revenge from the Phnom
Penh regime for having chased them from power. It was hard to trust them
for their genocidal past. They continue to fight the “bourgeois regime”.
In their list of enemies, KPNLF was No 2 after the Vietnamese followed
by the the SOC and FUNCINPEC.( Peschou, 1991 ) The Khmer Rouge relaxed
its policies by allowing some free market and buddhism practice within
their camps.
It was estimated that their number about 30,000 to 40,000. They controlled three camps ( Site K, Site 8, O’Trao: a population of 69, 618 ) on the Thai-Cambodian border and some Northwestern regions of Cambodia ( located in the provinces of Banteay Meanchey, Battambang, Pursat, Koh Kong, Preah Vihear, and Oddar Meanchey ) including the gem mining city of Pailin. ( Jennar, 1991, p 5-6 ) They were active in Siem Reap, Kompong Thom and even in the suburb of Phnom Penh.
b. National United Front for an Independent,
Neutral, Peaceful and Cooperative Cambodia ( FUNCINPEC )
FUNCINPEC is a Sihanoukist movement. On January
13, 1979, Sihanouk escaped from the hands of the Khmer Rouge in New York,
he did not formally request for political asylum. Andrew Young, the then
US Ambassador to the UN, dissuaded him from submitting the request. It
was believed that Sihanouk would better serve the interests of the Khmer
people by going back to China which had agreed to support him financially
and remove him from the Khmer Rouge control. ( Tatu, 1991 )
Its army numbered about 15,000 men. It controlled a camp in Thailand with a population of 58,815 (Site B), and some Northwestern regions of Cambodia (located in the province of Oddar Meanchey) including Ampil. It was also active in Kompong Thom and Siem Reap.
c. Khmer People’s National Liberation Front
( KPNLF )
KPNLF was a movement grouping small fighting
units that were formed to oppose the
Khmer Rouge during the 1975-79 period. The movement
was founded on October 9, 1979. It was a pro-Western group supported by
China and the West.
Its army consisting of some former officers of the Khmer Republic, numbered about 20,000 men. KPNLF controlled 8 camps in Thailand with a population of 197,371 ( Site 2 has 7 camps: Ampil, Nam Yin, Nong Chan, Samlor, Dangrek, O’Bok, Rithy Sen, Sokh San), and some regions in Northwestern Cambodia ( located in the provinces of Banteay Meanchey ) including the sub-district of Thmar Puok. The estimated population in this liberated zone was between 60,000 and 75,000.( Jennar, 1991, p 5-6 ) According to the AID report, “the total population under firm administrative control of the Non-Communists was estimated to be 100,000. Another 400,000 were living in areas under some degree of military control of the NCR, but not administrative control.” ( Agency for International Development, 1991, p 10 ) The NCR refers to the Non-Communist Resistance that consists of FUNCINPEC and KPNLF. There were 30,000 Khmer Rouge fighters, 3,000 Sihanouk's supporters and 10,000 Liberal national fighters.
The combined number was very minimal compared to 30,000 of Heng Samrin and 200,000 Vietnamese soldiers with complete air, armour and artillery supports. Unfortunately the coalition force cannot over-run the Phnom Penh government.
The coalition had not been running smoothly; each faction had its own government and its own way of running its camps; fighting between factions sometimes occurred. They did not see themselves as a means to achieve social harmony or Khmer welfare, but rather to install an ideology or unwanted regime, whatever it cost the Khmer country. Cambodia has gone deeper and deeper into the killing of people. Civilians are sick of the wars. They loss everything from personal belongings, family and friends to their national identity and values. Cambodians need nothing but to live in peace and to preserve their identity.
But without the continuous struggle of the resistance of the National Government of Cambodia ( NGC ), Cambodia would also be a part of Vietnam. When Hanoi said that the Cambodian situation was irreversible in 1979, it did not believe that the Khmer people had the will to resist its occupation. After its failed attempt to colonise Cambodia, Hanoi decided to withdraw its troops from Cambodia in September 1989.
A Paris International Conference on Cambodia ( PICC ) took place in 1983 failed to bring a compromise among the factions. In July 1988, an informal talk in Jarkata ( JIM ) took place to attempt to find peace solution for Cambodia. The JIM led to another international conference on Cambodia held in Paris in August 1989. Hun Sen government began a privatisation programme, stretching the concept of the free market to its extreme, several government minister sold their buildings to foreigners and moved their ministries to smaller quarters. Government officials appropriated villas and rented them to high prices to foreign diplomats and relief agencies. The uncertain status of property law enabled them to held the ‘Cambodian equivalent of garage sales’ to make money on the contents such as light fixtures, doors, desks, and chairs. ( Sesser, 1996, p 151 )
The peace agreement came about two years later
because the United States and China had changed their policies toward Cambodia.
Then on September 20, 1990, the UN Security Council passed the Resolution
668, also known as the UN Peace Plan, which was devised by the Perm-5 to
provide a framework for a comprehensive settlement to the Cambodia conflict.
A peace plan was signed in Paris on the 23rd of October 1991 under the
co-chairamships of Foreign Ministers Gareth Evans of Australian and Ali
Alatas of Indonesia. Sesser ( 1993 ) wrote “ the history of the 1980s offers
another possible explanation - that of the raw exercise of superpower politics..
For a decade, these superpowers had used the Khmer Rouge, despite their
genocidal tendencies, as a pawn in a chess game, and in Paris the superpowers
showed little inclination to change the strategy ”. Khieu Kantharith said
“ The UN plan was mapped out not for the Cambodian people but to please
the superpowers ”.
Previous governments failed to achieve social
harmony and failed to maintain the prewar living standards because they
love blindly the power. They are busy with day to day fighting and forget
the long term survival of their people and their country. The United Nations
proposed a peace plan and provided Cambodians a chance to elect their own
government.
A. UN Resolution 668
In an effort to end Cambodian conflict, a series
of peace talks had been introduce. This led to a Paris peace agreement
in 1992 among the four factions and a formation of the Supreme National
Council ( SNC ) under the UN resolution 668. Unfortunately the composition
of the SNC does not include the other nationalists. The National Government
of Cambodia ( NGC ) led by Sihanouk agreed on all the terms of the UN Peace
Plan. The SOC refused to dismantle its administration and to be disarmed.
Then in its last meeting in Pattaya, Thailand on June 24-26, the SNC agreed
to implement an unlimited cease fire, to stop receiving military aid, and
to establish its headquarters in Phnom Penh. A six-member SNC secretariat
was set up, and working groups were formed to study the rules of procedure
of the SNC, the electoral laws, and the principles of the new constitution
of Cambodia. Sihanouk was unanimously elected President of the SNC without
addition of a new member. He became neutral resigning from all the other
posts. He led a delegation including Hun Sen, Hor Nam Hong, Son San and
Kieu Samphan. The SNC also agreed to request a UN team with the mission
to determine how to control the cease fire and how to enforce the ban on
arms supplies. In a conversation with Kiernan, Sesser asked why many Cambodians
supported the inclusion of Khmer Rouge in the peace process, Kiernan replied
that they were reacting to the fact that the peace plan was promoted by
the five permanent members ( 5-Perm ) of the UN Security Council and “
It’s quite understandable why Cambodians in Phnom Penh think they can’t
just throw off the Khmer Rouge if the five superpowers tell them they can’t
... Whatever the Permanent Five does, it would certainly be dangerous to
oppose it ”. ( Sesser, 1993, p 170 )
B. United Nations Transitional Authority ( UNTAC )
UN resolution 668 established the United Nations Transitional Authority ( UNTAC ) in March 1992. The UNTAC main missions were to supervise the repatriation of refugees from Thai-Khmer border camps to their final destinations, to disarm to factions, and to create a neutral environment for a free and fair election in May 1993.
The UNTAC were not able to control the activities of the Khmer Rouge. Other groups were thus encouraged to re-arm, continued laying mines and retaliate. There were a public perception of inadequate security and protection which is paralysing people’s interest in participating in the political process. Factors included intimidation of political parties and high levels of violence including at least 20 confirmed political killings. ( Neveu, 1993, p 97 )
Internal settlement by accepting a peaceful co-existence of the four factions' jogging for public acceptance in a free election under a supervision of the UNTAC enabled Cambodians to choose their government at their own will. Unfortunately, the UNTAC failed to disarm the Khmer Rouge and other factions. In 1992 the Khmer Rouge pulled out of the UNTAC’s staged election. In general, the UNTAC succeeded in staging the general election for 4.7 million Cambodian to vote. The general election for their 120 members of the National Assembly went well although there were threats and frictions. The FUNCINPEC royalist party won the majority with 58 seats but were forced to make a coalition with the CPP, 51 seats, because of Hun Sen's threat. To ease tension between two main rival parties, the UNTAC accepted a formation of a coalition Government led by two co-prime ministers: Prince Ranarith and Hun Sen.
The National Assembly in 1993 adopted a new constitution and accepted Prince Norodom Sihanouk as the King of Cambodia. He was sworn in as His Majesty Preah Bath Samdech Preah Norodom Sihanouk Varman on September 1993. Cambodia once again becomes a Constitutional monarchy.
But deep-rooted suspicion and a bitter struggle for power within the coalition Government makes political observers nervous about human rights, democracy and fragile peace in Cambodia.
C. Reconstruction and Development
International community provides technical and
financial assistance to Cambodia after 1993 election. The Royal Government
has embarked on a sustainable development programme. The background of
development and its effects will be discussed in the following chapter.
Socio-economics
I. Introduction
This section attempts to appraise the progress
made in Cambodian economic development since independence in 1953. It begins
with the historical background of economic development of Cambodia through
various models of development since the colonial period. It will then examine
various development indices and their trends as an assessment of progress
made in terms of a Cambodian socioeconomic and environmental aspects.
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II. Background of Development
Cambodian economic development can be seen as
a result of different approaches paralleling the various international
order since 1864 when France colonised Cambodia. A series of economic development
were introduced, differing from one another in their internal administration,
power relationships, and social system, as well as in external dependency.
A. A French Colonial Periphery, 1864-1953
In the French colonial period, Cambodia became
a peripheral area, where no great deal of development resources were expended.
Rather the traditional society remained to a large extent intact. ( Kijunen,
1984, p 2 ) Most manufactured goods were imported from France. Only small
plants, which processed raw materials for future production in France were
introduced and small family handicraft operations run on imported raw materials
existed. The economy was based on agricultural products. At 8.6% national
industry was not significant to the country’s total national product.
B. Nationalisation, 1953 -1970
Most Cambodians earned their living by cultivating, processing and trading rice.
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These were the country’s most important industrial
and commercial activities. ( Steinberg, 1959, p 195 )
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After Cambodia becameindependent in 1953, it received
foreign aid for economic development. But the cessation of American aid
in 1960 had serious economic consequences. Cambodia began to rely solely
on its own resources and people for development. ( Buchanan, 1976, p 109
- 111 ) Cambodia choose a course of planned economy during the 1960’s.
It aimed at a modest but realistic increase in per capita levels of living,
i.e. a wider dispersion of industry and a reduction in the gap between
the quality of life between urban and rural people.
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The government made few attempts to industrialise the nation. The economy was mixed which the state controlling most of the industrial and financial sectors. Although there was progress, the industrial sector represented only 12 percent of the 1968’s GNP and only one-third of agricultural production. ( Ross, 1987, p 146-149 )
During the course of national building, political
aims often prevailed over economic objectives. Before 1967, for instance,
the Royal Government assigned higher priority to social improvements than
it did to national economic growth. Its GDP rates of growth were averaging
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C. Liberalisation, 1970 - 1975
The 1970’s war had a major impact on the economy
and dislocated its system. The 1968-72 economic plan was not able to be
implemented. Agricultural production, especially rice production, shrank
to a level that Cambodia was not able to feed its population and rubber
production was halted. The new Government of the Khmer Republic liberalised
its economy to encourage greater private participation. The government
aimed major economic measures to improve the overall food and other commodity
supplies. The United States ( USA ) provided military aid of US$300 million
a year to assist the war economy. The country was surviving on imported
food financed by the USA. By 1975 the Khmer economy had collapsed and the
Khmer Rouge took over Cambodia.
D. Collectivisation, 1975 - 1979
Cambodia underwent a radical and brutal communist
revolution in 1975. The Khmer Rouge regime aimed to overhaul the social
system and vitalise the economy with agriculture as the foundation of their
development. Kieu Samphan believed that Cambodia could only achieve economic
and industrial development by increasing and expanding agricultural production.
( Ross, 1987, p 151 ) The Khmer Rouge based their economic development
on collectivisation and on the principle of self-reliance. This also meant
that the government mobilised the entire population into forced labour
groups to live and work in the rice fields to help the country produce
enough food for domestic consumption.( Ibid, p 154 ).
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The government abolished any private ownership of land and personal belonging. It introduced a cashless society without any formal education. The Cambodian traditional socioeconomic system and values were completely eradicated. Traditional village life was turned into cooperative life without any family unit or personal life. Everyone, including children, had towork long hours in the fields under most primitive conditions. Rice production and distribution were unsatisfactory although the aim was to have a yield of three tons per hectare. Even during the best harvests of 1976 and 1977, the daily ration per person varied from 250 to 500 grams which failed to reach the target ration of 570 grams. Malnutrition was common among the general population. The Khmer Rouge regime was overthrown by the Vietnamese in 1979.
Because of the Khmer Rouge ideals and its development
approach which was without human consideration, it is estimated that between
1975 and 1979 one and half a million Cambodians died of murder, diseases,
starvation and exhaustion.
E. A Planned Market Economy, 1979-1992
The government of the People Republic of Kampuchea
( PRK ) took a contrasting course to their economic development
from the Khmer Rouge. They sought public support and attempted a gradual
transformation with a form of planned economy with markets. They restored
the monetary system and trade. This socialist economy accepted the private
sector and ownership.
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